Against this context, the pressure of an external threat, lay dormant beneath the veneer of
Greek homogeneity and the image of Greek time and space as a continuum, swiftly
transforming migration into a security issue against which the country needed to be
protected (Karyotis, 2012). The concept of fortification, i.e., a war tactic, which describes
the policy design that followed, is also shown by the terminology used. For example,
operation ‘Shield’, whose main purpose was to control and deter irregular arrivals by
strengthening the physical presence of patrol officers at the Greek-Turkish land border
(Angeli et al., 2014). As Georgios Karyotis (2012, p. 397) explains in his work on the
securitisation of migration in Greece, ‘the institutional configuration during the 1990s
demonstrated a high degree of militarization, through which the police and even the army
emerged as key actors in Greek migration policy’ (Karyotis, 2012, p. 397; see also
Huysmans, 2006).37 In stark opposition to these xenophobic logics, this chapter aims to
‘puncture the narcissistic justifications’ (Tyler, 2013, p. 76) of the Greek state and attest to
ways in which the relentless dehumanization and invisibilisation of others are central to
feeding the Greek ‘deep state’ (O’Niel, 2017); the main apparatuses of which, the military
and the police, were central in outlining the contours of the Greek detention regime in the
first place.
The following focuses on two main eras of detention policies; first, the period from 1990
to 2000, which rarely is accounted for, and second, the period from 2001 to 2009, during
which the detention estate was firmly established. Through providing details about the
initial disjointed phase of governing migration in Greece from 1990 to 2010, I explore the
underlying foundations upon which the detention estate of today was built at the same
time as referring to distinct eras marked by legislation changes, the shifting of entry points,
and other socio-legal developments. The few accounts of immigration detention in the
country rarely adopt a historical perspective and seem to take as a starting point the period
after 2010, when detention undeniably became a key measure for policing migration
(Angeli et al., 2014); coinciding with heavier involvement by outside actors, such as human
rights organisations and NGOs offering services to detained people and thus more
monitoring of the reality behind bars.
It should be noted that Greece is still one of the few remaining Western nations to have mandatory military
service for men.
37
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