they are released, they have a public order file, which makes them even more detainable in the future. As in the case of Manuel in the beginning of the chapter, some are also transferred to other centres. Inherent in the criminalisation process is a dispersal strategy, through which unruly migrants became less visible, and thus, less of a threat to the system. Martina Tazzioli (2020) describes practices of migrant dispersal as a way of regaining control over unruly mobility and argues that they are the ‘neglected and overshadowed aspects of migration governmentality, that are not in opposition to more spectacular and muscular border enforcement practices but, rather, are usually played out simultaneously by states’ (Tazzioli, 2020, p. 512) The Petrou Ralli detention facility is one of the major nodes in this dispersal strategy, more than often used as a centre, where anyone considered a ‘control’ problem is dumped; turning it into a hub for riotous individuals, who can be better ‘managed’ there. In fact, in a meeting with the deputy director of Amygdaleza in 2017, she claimed that unruly migrants are swiftly sent to Petrou Ralli. The same happened to the eight persons, who were allegedly involved in the ‘revolt’ against the authorities in May 2017. They had been in detention for 8 months before they were transferred to Petrou Ralli, first in a police station in the Peloponnese when they were first arrested and then in the Corinth preremoval detention centre. The Director of all detention centres in the Attica region at a meeting in 2019, said that they had created problems at all the previous centres they had been detained in but ‘unfortunately they were not prosecuted before’. As this section highlights, riotous individuals inside Greek detention centres, are beaten, prosecuted, invisibilised and further stigmatised as incessantly detainable. The next section turns to another form of resistance and how this has been perceived and responded to by the authorities. Corporeal resistance: manipulative and vulnerable subjects In September 2019, under a research project, together with colleagues from the University of Oxford we visited the island of Kos as part of one of the Greek National Preventive Mechanism’s (NPM) monitoring visits to the island’s confinement institutions (the preremoval detention centre (Fili, 2019), the police station and prison (Bhui, 2019), as well as the reception centre (see Bhui et al., 2019). The detention centre, where we met the manager, was our first stop. As he was complaining about the lack of psychiatrists in the 189