GOVERNING IRREGULAR MIGRATION AT THE MARGINS OF EUROPE section 2). In the present article, we explore in particular the facilities situated in the Northern Aegean islands. This article explores the development of the hotspot facilities and their transformation into de facto spaces of detention and (im)mobility. The hotspots cannot be separated from the EU-Turkey Statement of 18 March 2016, since they are seen as a deterrence mechanism for future arrivals as well as a way of ensuring returns prescribed in the EU-Turkey Statement. The very location of the hotspots contributes to the construction of strandedness, which functions as a deterrent in itself. The islands of Northern Aegean have an important role in the management of migration, functioning as a buffer zone isolated from the mainland. On their part, migrants have sought to overcome immobility through either asylum re-applications, or riots. They demand freedom, speedy asylum processing, and the right to leave from not only the facilities, but also the islands. The article draws from several research visits on the island of Lesvos in March and July 2016 and in Athens in June 2016 as well as secondary resources including media sources6. While I tried twice to reach the Moria facility, permission was denied from the authorities. This is a relatively new experience for a researcher in Greece, where access to facilities (detention, pre-removal, reception) has been relatively easy in the past. The past two years have been marked by a growing reticence of the Ministry of Migration in offering access to such facilities. As a result, during my visits I was able to observe the space from the outside, and have informal discussions with officials deployed in the hotspot of Lesvos, as well with various NGO field staff7. Additional interviews took place with migrants that had either been detained in the hotspots and eventually released (though still stranded on the island – see section 4). I also realized twelve semi-structured interviews with male migrants from Syria and Afghanistan (seven in Athens, five in Lesvos). In Athens, I interviewed migrants who had entered Greece in late 2015, lodged in various informal reception spaces across the city. By that time, the hotspots had turned into registration centres functioning as transit stops for migrants (see below). In Lesvos, as previously noted, the migrants had been released from the hotspots, but were not allowed to leave the island. Thus, through discussions with personnel of various non-governmental organisations as well as with early and recent arrivals, a gradual picture emerged of the hotspot transformation, as well as the ways in which migrants seek to counter the policies in place. Discussions with those deployed in the hotspots in official capacity (representatives of organisations) were perhaps the most valuable in understanding the purpose and role of these facilities. The hotspots became the tool for implementing the EU-Turkey Statement, «sealing» the external border of the Union, at a significant cost to the islands, the local population as well, and of course the migrants themselves. Any discussion around the hotspots in Greece needs to acknowledge the role of EU x 6 Greek media have extensively covered the situation in the hotspots since the EU-Turkey Statement came into place. 7 Full anonymity has been requested from all parties involved. Organisations have been left unnamed to avoid potential identification of participants since, in some cases, the number of deployed field officers is limited. – 77 –