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lowing the (most recent) regularization programme of 2005 (according to Law
3386/2005), more than half a million residence permits have been issued to labour migrants all over Greece.12 The most recent data of the Greek Ministry of
Interior indicate that a total of 521 529 residence permits had been issued by September 2009 (for economic migrants and their family members), whereas another 99 271 applications of third country nationals for a residence permit (based
on Law 3386/2005) were still pending by September 2009.13 Given the fact that
those third country nationals with pending applications in most cases already
stay in Greece legally before handing in their request (again) to the Greek authorities, the total number of foreign workers and their families originating from
third countries composed a group of 620 000 persons by September 2009 (Tzioukas 2009: 49).
A majority of this immigrant population with valid residence permits are Albanian nationals (about 435 000 persons or 70 % of the foreigners holding permit
according to Law 3386/2005). Other relevant countries of origin of foreign labour migrants in Greece with a legal residence title are the Ukraine (22 220), Pakistan (19 300), Georgia (18 400), Egypt (16 000), Russia (14 000), India (13 500),
Moldavia (12 500) and the Philippines (11 000).14 Further analysis of their employment profile shows that the predominant employment of male immigrants
in Greece is the construction sector (42 %), followed by agriculture (23 %) and
industry (12 %). The employment of female migrants is different with a majority
of women being employed in private households (52 %), in tourism (19 %) and
to some extent in agriculture (15 %).15 In general, it can be stated that economic
migrants in Greece work in a highly segmented labour market, doing mainly
heavy and dangerous work, the men especially in construction, heavy industry
and agriculture, the women mainly in the service sector, in housekeeping/child
care and tourism (Lianos 2003).
As far as the management of labour migration to Greece is concerned, it
is important to stress that the Greek government has proceeded to grant legal
status to a large part of this initially irregularly working immigrant population
originating from neighbouring Balkan countries and the former Soviet Union.
The regularization programmes of 1997, 2001, and 2005 can be understood as a
win-win arrangement for both parties involved, because foreign labour migrants
with regular stay and work permits clearly have more rights and better social
security that those working in the underground economy. Since the (yearly) renewal of a residence permit depends on the condition, that obligations towards
12
13
14
15
The regularization programme of 2001 is analysed by Fakiolas 2003 and Skordas 2002.
Tzioukas (2009: 49).
Recent data provided by Tzioukas (2009: 49).
Alipranti-Maratou (2007: 190).