of individual incidents by low-ranking police oicers expressing their discontent with a political environment that disdains them, or who are unhappy about cuts to their wages. In these conditions, the only party that panders to them is Golden Dawn. It is only logical that the more militarized among the young and low-ranking oicers turn to it”. This view does not deny that “there is a problem”, and this is better than nothing, but the problem is viewed as anything other than systematic. This has been the nearly predominant view within the Hellenic Police and Greek governments, but the facts revealed ater September 2013 have made a mockery of it as an untenable apologia. However, there are two other common views on the degree to which the Greek police force has been iniltrated by the ultra-right. Both of these move beyond the cliché of ฀individual incidents,฀ but they difer in important ways. The second view understands that a series of diferent but mutually reinforcing factors have given rise to a complicated, ominous, and increasingly dangerous situation. The intrusion of the ultra-right is systematic, and has been especially pronounced in those parts of the Hellenic Police charged with suppressing political protest – meaning the riot police and the DELTA squad (“Force of Control Fast Confrontation”). The systematic intrusion also extends to speciic police departments in big cities, mostly in Athens where a major part of police work is concerned with issues of illegal immigration. Variations on this view were expressed by a number of police oicers interviewed in our research, who did not hesitate to admit that “the situation is out of control”. Within the most affected sectors of the Hellenic Police, ultra-right ideology, practices of illegal violence against demonstrators and immigrants, and a culture of impunity have become widespread and pervasive, to the point even of forming the hegemonic work culture. Informal social structures arose that perceive the relationships of the police to letists, anarchists and immigrants as hostile, in fact existentially antagonistic; and that invest politically in this antagonism. The third model of interpretation is predominant within a large, let-wing part of Greek society. For reasons related both to Greek history and to current police practices, this sector perceives itself as antagonistic to the Hellenic Police by deinition. Discussion of ultra-right ideology within the police must also take into account the way parts of the let indiscriminately incriminate all police, adopting stereotypical classiications and categories. According to the third model, “a police oicer is a priori a fascist”, or worse, “[all] cops [are] pigs, murderers”. This view actually serves as a feedback to the consolidation of ultraright ideology among certain police circles, facilitating or accommodating their slide to the right. We shall call this the “communicating vessels theory”. The main problem with the framework of the discredited “individual incidents” model is that it fails to discern the new quality of consolidation indicated by the sheer quantity of incidents. It is stuck – or, to be more exact, until September 2013 it was stuck – in the idiosyncratic model of ultra-right violence and ideology, attributing their occurrence to individually conceived characteristics, when these occurrences of course are not individually inspired. In response to allegations that the problem is much more serious and the situation is oten out of control, 24 | ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG