Graduate Journal of Social Science, Volume 15, Issue 1 2013; Iliadou, 2012; Lauth Bacas, 2010) and multiple reports from Human Rights Organisations. Between 2000 and 2014, Lesvos Island and the “refugee issue” did not attract as much attention as the “refugee crisis” of 2015. It was only after the death of Aylan Kurdi, a three-year-old Syrian refugee child, whose dead body was washed ashore upon the coasts of Turkey, that the public opinion and the cold EU technocrats were sensitised to the phenomenon which had gradually unfolded since the 1990s in Lesvos and Greece. Thus, the beginning of the refugee crisis is chronologically located in Aylan Kurdi’s death, who also became “an allegory of refugeeness” (Khosravi, 2010, p. 73). As Miriam Ticktin denotes, “The photo [of Aylan Kurdi] gave the “migrant crisis” a new face: innocence. It shamed Europe into action” (Ticktin, 2016, p. 258). The “crisis” as a discourse and sequence of events which unfolded and was reproduced by policymakers, the media and humanitarian organisations from 2015 onwards was so overwhelming that Lesvos Island became suddenly famous. When I moved to the UK in September 2015 to conduct my PhD research on the multiple and intersectional forms of violence and harm border crossers experience on Lesvos, the vast majority of people I spoke to had never heard of Lesvos. I remember someone asking me “Lesvos? Where is that? Is it in Malta?” However, in the aftermath of the refugee crisis, Lesvos became so famous that even Skala Sykamias -a small fishing village on Lesvos- was announced as the most popular holiday destination from AFAR travel magazine, due to the spectacle of border crossing and solidarity of the local people (Cosgrove, 2016; economy65, 2017). Lesvos became a popular destination, by attracting celebrities, volunteers and ‘voluntourists’ (Gillespie, 2018; Rozakou, 2016), journalists and academics, NGOs and even profiteers (lesvosnews, 2015). The scale of this intervention of various actors, particularly of NGOs, was so enormous that throughout the research process even I was repeatedly asked by local people, “Are you working for an NGO?” By having first-hand lived experiences and “bearing witness” to multiple border crossings, humanitarian “crises”, sufferings, pain and deaths in time and space, this “crisis” panic (in terms of discourse, intervention and humanitarianism) seemed to me incomprehensible from the beginning, whilst mixed feelings of anger and sadness overwhelmed me. How can people, the media and particularly EU and Greek policymakers be sensitised only now by the death of a single child? What about the thousands of deaths of children, women and men within the Aegean and Mediterranean Sea crossroads from 2000 onwards (see Albahari, 2015, 2016; 5 (Unformatted version, page numbers not final)