dejuntaization objectively makes a more favourable seedbed for ultra-right propaganda, and because the ultra-right invests in power role models relating to youth. Also, the propaganda seems to be more efective among people with less education. Yet the inluence of ultra-right militarist elements does not end there. Unfortunately, the relevant information usually becomes available ex post facto, ater the death of the key players. This was, for example, the case with the late Brigadier Dimitrios Mourtos (retired), who was “honoured” with a Golden Dawn eulogy recognizing that “he was faithful to the principles of Golden Dawn [and] fought in a hostile situation for anything national”107. A rather diferent case in point is that of Elias Pappas, a retired lieutenant general and the father of the current spokesperson for Golden Dawn in parliament, Christos Pappas. The son, the organization’s second in command, surrendered to the police voluntarily ater the arrest of the Golden Dawn leader, Nikos Michaloliakos. The father occupied the last honourary position on the Golden Dawn candidates’ list for the 2012 election. This was the same person who, during the junta, “occupied crucial posts, such as director of the 2nd Oice of the 3rd Army Corps”, as one may read in his son’s personal blog.108 It is thanks to Elias Pappas that his son has been able to maintain contacts with the milieu of retired military oicers who have been yearning for the junta’s return, yet do not approve of the “extremist activities” of the Michaloliakos fraction.109 It appears that no matter who on the ultra-right succeeds to the mantle of the neo-Nazi party currently under dismantlement, a – formal, at least – confession of faith to democratic rule will be of great importance. These two cases deine a threshold. They show that despite the sudden political upgrade of the neo-Nazi ultra-right and the correlated absolution of the “droplets” of yore, neither the ultra-right as a political milieu nor its people inside the military ind it easy to publicly declare their political credo. However, we saw earlier that a slow reversal of this trend has been underway. In an efort to confront the inluence of Golden Dawn and, more generally, the fragmentation of the mainstream political right wing, the current prime minister and leader of New Democracy collaborated before the 2012 election with members of the far-right party LAOS, which enjoyed a special itinerary and once signiicant popularity in ultra-right milieus, including the former LAOS MPs Makis Voridis and Thanos Plevris. Members of New Democracy, such as Nikos Hidiroglou (press oicer at the Ministry of National Defence under former Minister Vangelis Meimarakis) also rallied themselves to the cause. Hidiroglou, a columnist for the pro-junta newspaper Eletheri Ora and for the openly pro-fascist Eletheros Kosmos, also wrote No to the Old City, an allegorical novel describing the coup of a nationalist organization against an (anti-)Hellenic centre-let government110. In the book, the ictional government supports and is supported 107. 108. 109. 110. 76 | “Adieu, Dimitris, friend and fellow ighter”, www.xryshaygh.com, 10.1.2013 (last accessed on 7 August 2013). See http://xristospappas.blogspot.gr/2012/06/blog-post_8817.html. Cf. I Avgi newspaper, 29 September 2013. See http://let.gr/news/xefyllizontas-oikogeneiako-almpoym-tis-nd#sthash.26qspx6J.dpuf (last accessed on 1 August 2013). ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG