“compliance” of individual behaviour, before any eventual deviation, as well as social discipline. Yet at the same time, and a fortiori, it produces a morality. In people’s minds today, tax evasion is socially and morally disdained, even if the person who utters the moral judgment is a delinquent him or herself. Conversely, the general atmosphere of judicial impunity regarding police oicers who commit violent and criminal acts, either in public (e.g., during demonstrations) or in the invisible spaces of holding pens, also performs a certain function. It produces a moral and collective consciousness that puts forth, above and against all else, the restoration of order and discipline: “cleaning up” cities of rioters, foreigners and strikers who interfere with the normal processes of commerce and urban life. The emerging polar opposition is between an abstract pubic order as the supreme need, on the one hand, and rights as a luxury, on the other – between the concept of security as detached from the conceptual core of rights, and its total appropriation by the forces of public order. As we reached the mid-2000s, the distance that separates rights and “security” increasingly grew. One should view the inexplicable inaction of the judiciary towards severe Nazi criminal violence until September 2013 in this context. The Greek judiciary sadly followed along with a general intensiication of repression, hardening of sentences, and downsizing of rights on all levels. In speaking of judges, one cannot but refer also to coninement, either penal or administrative. The general and indiscriminate subjection of foreigners to inhuman and degrading treatment in detention centres for foreigners41 was followed by a systematic denial by all administrative courts of irst instance in the country – especially ater the police operation “Zeus Xenios” in 2012. Courts refused either to accept the temporary suspension of enforcement of expulsion orders or to hear objections against detention. A discourse on prison cannot avoid that foreigners now constitute the main population of prisons nowadays. According to the latest data of the Ministry of Justice, found in the explanatory statement to Law 4043/2012, foreign prisoners make up about 7,000 out of a total 12,500 prisoners in the country. This over-representation of foreigners is inversely proportionate to the foreign population in Greece, as well as to their absolute participation in crime. This should be a commonplace by now. Thus, the social relationship of a judge with these images, as well as the experience of a public prosecutor who is appointed prison supervisor and is supposed “to implement the legal provisions regarding the treatment of prisoners, as well as penal code provisions and the special laws concerning the enforcement of sentences and the implementation of security measures”, but actually admin- 41. 44 | This treatment has been characterized as such by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) case-law; cf. Tabesh vs. Greece (Decision) and, of course, MSS vs. Belgium and Greece. ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG