priests are public servants should normally be a constraining factor regarding the expression of ultra-right positions on their part. Yet nothing of the kind ever took place. On the contrary, they have always used and still use the privileges of their State position in order to reproduce such views. The Greek particularity lies speciically in this. 3/ THE CHANGEOVER THAT DID NOT TAKE PLACE Ater the restoration of democracy in 1974, the Church kept up with its work and action like before, without any ideological alterations and regressions, and with no administrative changes. On the contrary, the political parties were prompt to ask for its cooperation and, despite whatever disagreements and conlicts, eventually they did cooperate with it. For instance, PASOK in its “3 September” declaration talked about separating the Church from the State and nationalizing the property of monasteries, but did not actually implement any of that. An excellent case in point is PASOK’s minister of education and religion, A. Tritsis, who in 1987 attempted to materialize only a part of his party’s pre-election program, only to be pushed to resign – because of the Church’s reactions – by his omnipotent prime minister A. Papandreou, who at the same time “complimented” his minister with the monumental phrase, “he wrote history”… The key factor in the total return of the Church to public afairs was the break-up of Yugoslavia a few years later, the exercise of self-determination on the part of former Socialist Republic of Macedonia (known today as FYROM) and its claim to the name “Macedonia”. On that occasion, the Church articulated its own public speech. It organized demonstrations along with other institutions, and called on people to participate massively. It is worth noting that a weak, at the time, Golden Dawn also took part in these demonstrations, managing to attract numerous new members, as they themselves admit today, especially from the youth. Throughout the Macedonian crisis, the Church acted as an initiator of national revolution, a part that still goes on today, whenever the issue comes to the fore. One such example was the sermon of Bishop of Thessaloniki Anthimos on 14 August 2011, regarding the possible operation of a radio station in the municipal district of Meliti, Florina, which would broadcast in Slavic Macedonian language. Wondering whether the station may be an instrument of FYROM propaganda, the bishop hurried to warn in his sermon: “If they say yes and they do it, at least 40 to 50 buses have to get there, and along with the brothers in Florina and Meliti we will tear down the place, otherwise nothing will get done”.122 The Bishop of Thessaloniki did not start from zero to get to the point of urging his lock into nationalist pogroms in 2011. The rise of Archbishop Christodoulos and the 122. 84 | See http://www.hlhr.gr/details.php?id=563. ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG