Conclusions Dimitris Christopoulos In summer 2013, when the above pages were being written, a veteran journalist, after I told him what this study was about, asked me: “Of the four institutions you studied, the military, the Church, the Police and the judiciary, which one is more dangerous in this respect?” This was a spot-on question, and an answer to it was by no means obvious. Thus, during the months that followed our study, and taking into account our results, we came to form the following answer: naturally, the situation in all four institutions is quite dangerous, but the hardest case is the Greek judiciary. Let us explain ourselves a bit. The Greek Orthodox Church of Greece has many peculiarities and it is true that it can reine ultra-right ideologies by disguising them as religiously right, as has done too many times in its history (and this, of course, is not an exclusive feature of the church or of Greece, for that matter). However, although it is indeed deeply tied with the State, although it is indeed used to speaking on everything and anything, although it does indeed inluence a large part of the public opinion by exploiting the privileges of its relations with the State as well as the historical depth of its relations with the Greek nation, its inluence, inally, also has very clear limits. These are to be traced back to the self-evident division of power instituted in all modern nation-states since the 19th century. However powerful, the church cannot be the star of this story. That much is obvious. The military, for its part, with its stained coup-d’-état past of interference with matters of the Greek State, must be considered as largely unable to think in a constitutionally unorthodox manner during peacetime. Of course, if there is a lesson to be taught by the crisis in Greece during the last four years, it is that that nothing is historically evident, and that European plays do not always have a happy end, as is the common perception on the other side of the Atlantic. For this reason, we had better be on the alert, because, in conditions such as the ones lived in Greece today, democracy does not seem particularly appealing or particularly strong against its enemies, mostly thanks to the forces of the socalled “Constitutional Arc”, which have iercely contributed to its degeneration. Nevertheless, as much as one must not underestimate the ultra-right perils, one must also not underestimate irmly based democratic defences and traditions that are by no means insigniicant across the Greek State apparatus, including the military. On the other hand, the Hellenic Police is indeed the most infected and long-exposed institution to ultra-right intrusion, and for this reason it has a lot of work to do in order to inally correspond to the full job description of a rule-of-law police force. However, one must not forget that the police is essentially a branch of the MAPPING ULTRA-RIGHT EXTREMISM, XENOPHOBIA AND RACISM WITHIN THE GREEK STATE APPARATUS | 95