In the years that followed, the military was restricted to its “defence” duties – that is, it remained inside the military camps, although not always inside the country. Its new role was thereater to be deined by its place in the context of Greece’s international coalitions (NATO, EC/EU); by the overall international situation with the end of the Cold War, the “New Order” dogma, and the beginning of the “war against terror”; by Greece’s upgrading into a “force of stability” in the Balkan region; by the modiication of the “Northern enemy” dogma and the formation of the Greece-Cyprus-Israel axis; by the reception of immigration lows starting in the early 1990s, the repression of which was undertaken – and is still performed – also by parts of the military; inally, and more generally, by the transformations in Greek nationalist ideology from 1974 until today. On the other hand, the “democratic integration” of the military and, in parallel, the Greek ultra-right’s progressive abandonment since 1990 of its self-deinition as a camp of junta-lovers do not mean that the military is excluded from the ultra-right political imaginary. The exact opposite is the case. Suice it to mention here that the most important annual mobilization of Golden Dawn to date has been the anniversary of the Imia/Kardak dispute of 1996. This annual rally, though it began as a marginal one, has in the last few years mobilized 3,000 to 5,000 ultra-right supporters. The day more generally is treated as a pan-Hellenic “commemoration” in honour of Commander Christodoulos Karathanasis, Commander Panagiotis Vlachakos and Ensign Hector Gialopsos, members of the crew of a Hellenic Navy helicopter that took of on 31 January 1996 on patrol for a possible Turkish presence on the islet in question, only to crash on its way back to base. A series of incidents indicate that the trend of ultra-right “politicization” of the military, though minor, is both detectable and, since the mid-1990s, remarkable. Speciic examples include the light of Group Captain Thomas Vrakas with a Hellenic Air Force spraying aircrat above Albanian territory in 1994; the participation of reserve oicer Georgios Anastasoulis in the acts of murder committed by the armed ultra-right organization “Front for the Liberation of Northern Epirus” (FLNE, “MAVI”) on the Greek-Albanian borders, also in 1994; the participation of ultra-right members of the Greek Voluntary Guard in the Srebrenica massacre alongside paramilitary Serbian “brothers” (1995); the tumultuous reception of Jean-Marie Le Pen and the rioting during school parades, starring members of the “Department of Elite Special Force” in Corfu (1996-1997); the revival of junta-like detention barracks by Brigadier Xideris in Kos (2002); the role played by special forces reserve oicer Dimitris Pipikios in organizing the usually violent anti-immigration demonstrations in Agios Panteleimon area of Athens (2009), in a neighbourhood that has ever since been a bastion of Golden Dawn; the racist slogans shouted by members of the Underwater Demolition Command of the Hellenic Coast Guard (here: “UDCCG”) during the March 25 military parade in Athens in 2012; and inally, the paramilitary formation of the “Patriotic Civic Guard” and the “Centre for Gun Control” in 2012. These incidents conirm that during all this time there has always been a “special” and multi-dimensional relationship of the Greek ultra-right with the “hardest” of the MAPPING ULTRA-RIGHT EXTREMISM, XENOPHOBIA AND RACISM WITHIN THE GREEK STATE APPARATUS | 67