essentially witnessed a reversal in the dynamics that have obtained since the post-1974 changeover. We refer to the historical dynamics of the longest period in modern Greek history without wars or coups. In the case of the military, “the reversal of the changeover dynamic” refers to tentative challenges to the two boundaries that, on the one hand, divide the military’s peaceful work from its war preparations, and, on the other, keep the military inside its camps – that is, away from political life and from the duties of internal security. While the background is radically diferent from 1996, when Greece found itself on the brink of war with Turkey because of a dispute over the uninhabited Aegean islet of Imia/Kardak, the ongoing debate (and contingency planning) concerning the demarcation of an Exclusive Economic Zone in the Aegean reveals, among other matters, that the “vision” of a war efort, even one devastating for the country (as proven in 1897) can still be taken seriously – not just in the militaristic fantasies of a neo-Nazi ultra-right, but also in the reasoning of the current prime minister’s far-right counselors – as a suitable “therapy”. These trends can only be evaluated in their actual dimensions in connection with the State’s overall strategy. In this sense, then, the present study deals with: a) the particularities of the military’s participation, as a State repression mechanism, in the developing process of a “normalization” of social division and the fascistization of political life; and b) the trace let inside the military by the political and social antagonisms of the current period – in particular, the ties of elements of the military with a reinforced ultra-right, the “compatibility” of State defence policy with ultra-right politics and ideology, and the (ultra-right) politicization of subjects concerning both the military’s interests as such as well as the larger political agenda. 2/ INCOMPLETE DEJUNTAIZATION AND THE REVERSAL OF THE CHANGEOVER DYNAMIC In 1974, with the overthrow of the Cypriot leader Makarios by the Greek junta, the Turkish counter-attack, and the invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish military, Greece was let practically without a government. This was the catalyst for the collapse of the Greek dictatorship. However, the chief members of the junta were convicted as perpetrators of a “momentary” crime, and even if it had originally taken them almost three decades to prepare it… Immediately ater, unrepentant military oicers mounted renewed eforts to “reinstate” a dictatorship. Until late 1974, the main issue for Konstantinos Karamanlis’ national unity government was the army. During this time, the prime minister went on to dismantle the major parts of the army oicer corps still hoping for a reinstatement (followers of Dimitris Ioannidis, or “petty oicers”; followers of Georgios Papadopoulos, or “the old Aprilians”; and “independents”, national-socialists, fans of Muamar Gaddai, etc.). Karamanlis integrated the Navy and the Air Force into the Supreme Council of National Defence, thus changing the power balance inside MAPPING ULTRA-RIGHT EXTREMISM, XENOPHOBIA AND RACISM WITHIN THE GREEK STATE APPARATUS | 65